The Support Gap for Dual
Clergy Couples
Dianne
K. Kieren, Ph.D.
Faculty of Home Economics, University of Alberta
Brenda
Munro, Ph.D.
Faculty of Home Economics, University of Alberta
This article originally
appeared in “Pastoral Psychology, Vol. 37(3), Spring 1989, pp. 165-171. © 1989
Human Sciences Press.
ABSTRACT: Within this study six levels of support for dual clergy couples with and without children were investigated. Seven dual clergy couples of several synods of the Lutheran church in two western Canadian provinces were asked open-ended questions about the support they had received in several employment and family related areas. While findings in each of the areas varied, overall, most individuals received the most support from their spouse and little from close friends and relatives often due to physical distance. Support provided by other clergy and church administrators was mixed. Only one major difference was found between couples with and without children. The group without children were more optimistic about the support that would be provided by family and friends in the area of child care while couples with children failed to mention support from friends and family.
There has
been a remarkable increase in the number of women entering clergy roles in
North American mainline protestant denominations (Carroll, Hargrove &
Lummis, 1981). From 1977 to the present there was a large increase in the
absolute figures even though the proportion of clergywomen to men is still low
(e.g. in nine selected Protestant denominations the percentage of female to
total clergy ranged from 1.2% in the American Lutheran Church to 7.8% in the
United Church of Christ) (Carroll, Hargrove & Lummis, 1981, p. 6).
As we
know from the mating-dating literature, propinquity plays a large part in the
choice of marriage partners. Thus, it is not surprising that as the number of
women in seminaries and clergy roles have increased, there has been a
concomitant increase in dual clergy marriages.
The
Ecumenical Clergy Couples’ Consultation which brought together 113 of the
estimated 650- 1000 dual clergy couples in twelve mainline North American
denominations defined a clergy couple as:
A husband and wife, educationally prepared for professional church leadership and set apart by the church by license or ordination for the purpose of performing in a professional capacity in ministry (von Lackum & von Lackum, 1979, p. 41).
Dual clergy couples have been referred to as modern day “collegial ministers” in that their relationship has the same potential for leadership and mutual support as that of the monastic collegium.
Stressors for Dual Clergy
Couples
The research on dual career couples has been extensive (see review by Rapoport & Rapoport, 1978). As a type of dual career couple, one would expect that some of the stressors for dual clergy couples would be similar to that of other dual career couples.
Fogarty, Rapoport & Rapoport (1971) in one of the precursor studies pointed out four key dilemmas that dual career couples encounter: 1) the dilemma of identity, 2) the dilemma of work and role overload, 3) social network dilemmas, and 4) discrepancies between personal and social norms. Subsequent research by Heckman, Bryson & Bryson (1977) disclosed these additional stresses: restricted job mobility, demands on each individual’s time and energy, lack of leisure time, family vs. job competition, role conflicts, feelings of competition and/or resentment, and bringing problems home. These studies suggest that there are both costs and benefits to dual clergy couples. Managing existing role strain problems demands individual, couple, and external resources. The level and combination of these resources for solving the problems of such role strain is not fully understood.
The
specific expectations associated with various clergy roles present unique
occupational stressors and resources for dual clergy couples. While not all
clergy-members serve in traditional pastoral roles there appear to be common
expectations which cut across these role variations. These include: the
mission, the call and commitment, the traditional base, and the absorptiveness
of the role.
For many,
the shepherd metaphor provides the best illustration of the mission or goal of
a person who is a member of the clergy. Leadership, care, and service to God
and His people comprise the primary task. This is an all-encompassing task
which is difficult to prioritize or put in manageable, life-size objectives.
Out of this mission arises the manner in which the person identifies with the
task – the call and the commitment to the role. There are many different
theological and personal interpretations of the call to serve as a clergy
person. Some believe all persons are called to serve whether one is a
clergyperson or a truck driver. Others believe that the call to serve as a
clergyperson takes precedence over other calls. “The Call” therefore can create
the basis for ranking one’s occupational commitment far above commitment to the
many other roles in a persons role cluster: marital partner, parent, community
participant, friend, or colleague.
Kanter
(1977) has provided an analysis of the structure and organization of work life
which is helpful to understand several other elements of clergy roles. First,
the clergy occupation is absorptive. In absorptive occupations it is expected
that the person be immersed in the role. These occupational roles intrude on
other roles: personal, interpersonal, and community. As such the clergy could
be labeled a “greedy” occupation (Coser, 1974; Kanter, 1977; Kieren &
Munro, 1988). In addition, it has been expected, not just desired, that other
members of the family, apart from the clergy person, be involved in church
activities as well (Scanzoni, 1965). Families with one purpose, usually the
husband being a clergyperson, provide a good example of a two-person single
career (Papanek, 1975). Second, time and timing are ambiguous for most
clergypersons. There is no “9 to 5” scheduling. Clergy are viewed as always
being available or “on call.”
The
manner in which these occupational elements relate to one another create some
of the stressors present for contemporary clergypersons. We would argue
however, that the multiplicative combination of these characteristics of the
clergy role organized in a dual career lifestyle are the crucial factors
necessary to understand how these couples function on a day-to-day basis.
Social
support can be defined as “a set of exchanges which provide the individual with
material and physical assistance, social contact and emotional sharing, as well
as the sense that one is the continuing object of concern by others” (Pilisuk
& Parks, 1983, p. 138). There are many sources of this support but the
primary one had been the family itself, both immediate family members and
extended kin. Increasingly, however, friends, work colleagues, neighbors, and
community agency personnel have been emphasized as sources of supportive
exchanges.
The
relationship between stressors, stress, and social support is of considerable
interest to contemporary social scientists. Some researchers posit that social
support provides a buffer between the stressors of daily life and the resulting
effects of these stressors (e.g. Shuval, 1981; Hirsch, 1979; 1980; Rabkin &
Struening, 1976; LaRocco, House & French, 1980). Others argue that social
support has a more direct effect on resulting stress (e.g. Burke & Weir,
1976; Cobb, 1976).
We have
described the ministry as an occupation with a high potential for stress. While
the few studies completed to date on this lifestyle partially confirm this
description (Rallings & Prato, 1984 a & b; Kieren; 1984, 1985), little
is known about the nature and availability and impact of social support for
these couples. Fiore, Becker &
Coppel (1883) have reported evidence that the social network can actually be a
source of stress and support concurrently and in somewhat independent
proportions. This suggests that the study of social network impacts should
include an assessment of perceived helpfulness (support) as well as perceived
upset over unmet support expectations (stress). Thus, the purpose of this paper
is to describe the nature and availability of these two elements of social
support for two groups of dual clergy couples, one without children and another
with children.
This
paper reports a portion of the data from an exploratory study commissioned by
the Professional Preparations Committee of the Western Canada Synod, Lutheran
Church in America. A previous paper in this journal has detailed the methods
used (Kieren & Munro, 1988). Using informants within the church body, a
total population of nine couples was identified. Seven of these couples agreed
to participate in the present study. The seven couples were divided into two
comparison groups: 1) couples without child and; 2) couples with children.
Trained
interviewers collected the data. Spouses were interviewed separately. All
interviews were tape recorded and later transcribed.
The
results indicate that there were indeed contrasts between the two groups in
terms of sources and amount of support in the six areas investigated. The major
contrast was that the group without children were much more idealistic in their
expectations of receiving support from family and friends in their anticipated
roles s parents.
In some
ways this difference is not surprising. The group without children represented
a younger “new bred” dual clergy couple who were establishing their marital and
work roles concurrently. While they intended to have children, they did not
have to cope with this complicating aspect of a dual clergy life. The second
(with children) was an older “adaptive” group who were making major shifts in
their established patterns of work and family to accommodate the new
opportunities of women in clergy roles.
Both of
these groups described a rather insular pattern for their sources of support.
They were not physically close to relatives and they reported having few
friends as well as even fewer role models. The dual clergy role is associated
with a high degree of mobility. This may limit the potential which family
members have to provide large amounts of tangible elements of social support.
One respondent suggested that there was a difference between moral support and
actual support. Such is the case with relatives who may provide encouragement
long-distance as opposed to on-site care and nurturing on a daily basis.
Several
reasons may be offered for the limited role which friends play in the support
network of these clergy couples. The first expressed by many respondents was
the difficulty of developing friendships given the time demands of the clergy
roles for two persons. A second factor may also be relevant. While a natural
source of friendships often comes from the workplace, many clergy persons
operate with a set of role expectations which keeps them from establishing
close friendships in their own congregation (Fletcher, 1983; Oswald, Gutierrez
& Dean, 1980; Whybrew, 1984). This is expressed by single career clergypersons
as well as dual career couples. One member of a clergy family expressed it this
way: “I feel cheated of close friends. My husband and I have no close friends
in our congregation. To be a friend you have to share and confide – this
reveals your vulnerability. Right or wrong, the image of a clergyperson is to
be above vulnerability.” This view of the clergyperson as set apart from the
other members of the congregation may in effect make that source of support
less available.
The
identification of a social support gap for dual clergy pastoral couples in this
exploratory study suggests several implications for training as well as
congregational education.
Nurturance
is especially necessary for today’s families to achieve a satisfactory quality
of life. Social support can provide some of the nurturance necessary for dual
and single clergy couples to handle the stressors associated with this role.
While the primary source of support will continue to be the family, other
sources are necessary to buffer the stressors of daily life. J.S. House (1981)
suggests that there are at least four different classes or types of supportive
behaviors which should be considered as potential sources of social supports:
emotional (love, esteem, concern, listening), informational (advice, directions,
fads), instrumental (aid in form of money, time or services), and appraisal
(affirmation and feedback).
In order
to acknowledge or reaffirm the reciprocal nature of supporting one another,
pastors must see their role as receiver as well as give of support. Second,
both pastors and congregations need to review the current role cluster of the
pastor (confidant, marital partner, child to his or her own parent, relative to
others, friend, parent to his or her own children). Such a review should allow
for a pastoral and congregational reassessment of long standing traditional
expectations. In some congregations a pastoral care committee might be used to
implement changes.
The study of role patterns for dual clergy couples has provided a source of important information about the interface between work and family life in religious work settings. Further study and sensitivity to social support may prove useful to more effectively manage the stressful lifestyle of the dual clergy couple.
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